Sensationalism Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2000 words

Sensationalism - Essay Example Sensationalism in its practice is not a new concept as such. The practice has been around going back to early humans. The act of storytelling and narrations were often related and focused on sex and conflict. According to Gaudreault et al. (2012) sensationalism per se is not a new phenomenon but has been there for long only that the term is new. Denotation and connotation are terms that are used to convey and also differentiate between two separate kinds of meanings of a particular word. In media reporting, denotation is regarded as first level of analysis; this is primarily what the target audience can visually view on the page. Often, it refers to literal meaning, and avoids any elements of metaphor. Denotations are occasionally coupled with connotation, which forms part of the second level of analysis. Connotation is symbolic nature of a word, things or attributes that are triggered by a word, ideas and notions suggested or even associated a particular word. Connotations are associated with emotions and feelings. According to Durham & Kellner (2005), connotations vary depending on the context and the individual understanding of the word. A single word can bring different emotions, ideas and feelings to different people depending on their personal experiences. Sensationalism in itself is largely controlled by denotations and connotations but often in the wrong way. The application of connotations particularly is largely depended on the context and the target audience. If one decides to intentionally ignore this consideration, then they are likely to send out the wrong information. While sensationalism is not completely a negative tool to be used in the media and journalism, it matters when it is applied in crucial situations. In an online article on The New York Post by Fears (2014) the writer gives a headline concerning construction of a "mosque† at the centre of the ground zero. In real sense,

Motor Cyclists Essay Example for Free

Motor Cyclists Essay Psychological and social factors influencing motorcycle rider intentions and behaviour Barry Watson Deborah Tunnicliff Katy White Cynthia Schonfeld Darren Wishart Centre for Accident Research and Road Safety (CARRS-Q) Queensland University of Technology August 2007 Psychological and social factors influencing motorcycle rider intentions and behaviour i Published by: Postal address: Office location: Telephone: Facsimile: E-mail: Internet: Australian Transport Safety Bureau PO Box 967, Civic Square ACT 2608 15 Mort Street, Canberra City, Australian Capital Territory 1800 621 372; from overseas + 61 2 6274 6440 02 6274 3117; from overseas + 61 2 6274 3117 [emailprotected] gov. au www. atsb. gov. au  © CARRS-Q, Queensland University of Technology 2006 To encourage the dissemination of this publication, it may be copied, downloaded, displayed, printed, reproduced, and distributed in unaltered form (retaining this notice). Subject to the provisions of the Copyright Act 1968, no other use of the material in this publication may be made without the authorisation of the Queensland University of Technology. ii Psychological and social factors influencing motorcycle rider intentions and behaviour DOCUMENT RETRIEVAL INFORMATION Report No. RSRG 2007-04 Publication date August 2007 No. of pages 152 ISBN 978 0 642 25564 8 ISSN Publication title Psychological and social factors influencing motorcycle rider intentions and behaviour Author(s) Barry Watson, Deborah Tunnicliff, Katy White, Cynthia Schonfeld, Darren Wishart. Organisation that prepared this document Centre for Accident Research and Road Safety Queensland University of Technology GPO Box 2434 Brisbane QLD 4001. Sponsor [Available from] Australian Transport Safety Bureau PO Box 967, Civic Square ACT 2608 Australia www. atsb. gov. au Project Officer John Collis Reference No. Aug2007/DOTARS 50323. Abstract This report documents two studies undertaken to identify and assess the psychological and social factors influencing motorcycle rider behaviour. The primary aim of the research was to develop a Rider Risk Assessment Measure (RRAM), which would act as a tool for identifying high-risk riders by assessing rider intentions and self-reported behaviour. The first study (n = 47) involved a qualitative exploration of rider perceptions utilising a focus-group methodology. This study identified six key aspects of rider behaviour considered to influence safety: motorcycle handling skills; rider awareness; riding while impaired or not; and the tendency to bend road rules, push limits, and ride at extreme speeds or perform stunts. Study two (n = 229) was survey-based and examined the psychological and social factors influencing these behaviours, utilising the theory of planned behaviour (TPB) and other relevant psychological constructs, such as sensation seeking and aggression. This study indicated that risky rider intentions were primarily influenced by attitudes and sensation seeking, while safer intentions were influenced by perceived behavioural control. While intentions significantly predicted all six types of behaviour, sensation seeking and a propensity for aggression emerged as significant predictors, particularly for the volitional risk-taking behaviours. The measures of intention and behaviour comprising the RRAM were not found to be significantly correlated with self-reported crash involvement, possibly indicating shortcomings in the measurement of crashes. However, significant correlations were found between the components of the RRAM and self-reported traffic offence involvement. While further work is required to refine and validate the RRAM, it represents a potential tool for informing and evaluating motorcycle rider safety countermeasures. Keywords Motorcycle safety, theory of planned behaviour, sensation seeking, aggression Notes (1) (2) ATSB reports are disseminated in the interest of information exchange. The views expressed are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily represent those of the Australian Government or the ATSB. Psychological and social factors influencing motorcycle rider intentions and behaviour iii CONTENTS Executive summary EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Background Motorcycle riding is rapidly increasing in popularity in Australia, attracting a much wider demographic of people than in decades past. Unfortunately, whilst the overall number of road deaths in Australia has generally been reducing, the proportion of motorcycle-related fatalities has been rising in recent years. Further, the proportion of motorcycle-related fatalities in Australia is unacceptably high compared with other OECD countries. To reduce motorcycle-related fatalities on Australian roads, there is an urgent need to consider motorcyclists as distinct from other road users. This program of research facilitates the understanding of safety issues from a motorcyclist perspective and provides important information on factors influencing safe and unsafe rider intentions and behaviour. The aims of this program of research were to: †¢ develop a better understanding of the psychological and social influences on rider behaviour in an Australian context; †¢ guide the development of future motorcycle safety countermeasures; and †¢ develop a tool (the Rider Risk Assessment Measure – RRAM) to inform the evaluation of motorcycle safety countermeasures, particularly in the area of training and education. To achieve these aims, two particular studies were undertaken: a qualitative study of motorcycle rider perceptions utilising a focus-group methodology and a survey-based quantitative study of selfreported rider intentions and behaviour. Both studies were underpinned by a theoretical framework drawing on the theory of planned behaviour (TPB), identity theory, social identity theory, and other relevant psychological concepts such as sensation seeking and aggression. Key findings Study 1 explored motorcyclists’ perceptions relating to ‘safe’ and ‘risky’ riding and the different personal and social factors that influenced their behaviour. A total of 43 people participated in this study, either as part of a focus group or as an interviewee. This exploratory process revealed six types of behaviours which were commonly believed to influence the safety (or riskiness) of motorcycle riding. These six behaviours are discussed below. Two behaviours were identified as being particularly essential to rider safety. The first was the necessity of being able to handle the motorcycle proficiently and skilfully. The second related to the need for riders to maintain a high level of concentration whilst riding and to stay aware of the changing road environment. In contrast, there was some debate about the inherent safety or riskiness of the two next behaviours commonly identified. Firstly, some riders believed that obeying the road rules was essential to their safety, whilst others reported that it was often necessary to break the road rules in order to stay safe. Secondly, the definition of what constituted ‘riding whilst impaired’ differed amongst riders. Most riders agreed that ‘drinking and riding’ was dangerous. However, for some, even one alcoholic drink before riding was considered dangerous, whilst others would ride after drinking provided they did not consider themselves to be over the legal BAC limit. Some riders stated that riding when viii Psychological and social factors influencing motorcycle rider intentions and behaviour they were tired was dangerous; however, fatigue was not considered a serious safety issue for many participants. Two further behaviours identified by participants were often associated with their accounts of crash involvement, yet not seen as intrinsically ‘unsafe’ by most riders. The first of these was the concept of ‘pushing your limits’. Most riders interviewed appeared to enjoy pushing the limits of their ability on a motorcycle. Whilst agreeing that pushing the limits too far was dangerous, pushing them to a point that tested a rider’s abilities was often reported to facilitate safety as this process developed a rider’s skill. The second behaviour that was often mentioned in connection with crashes was extreme riding (e. g. , performing stunts and riding at extreme speeds). The act of perfecting a stunt was often reported to result in the crashing of the motorcycle, although these crashes were usually accepted as a normal part of the learning process. Once perfected, performing stunts did not appear to be considered an intrinsically unsafe behaviour, unless performed in traffic or other unpredictable situations. A sizable minority of both male and female participants reported riding at extreme speeds. These riders often argued that they could ride extremely fast, safely, on public roads provided certain conditions were met (e. g. good visibility, minimal traffic, weather, road, and motorcycle maintenance). Study 2 involved 229 active motorcyclists who completed a questionnaire assessing: their riding intentions and self-reported behaviour; the psychological and social factors influencing these intentions and behaviour; and their self-reported involvement in road crashes and traffic offences over the last two years. The questionnaire was structured around the six types of rider behaviour identified as important in Study 1. Key results of this study are discussed below. In order to obtain an insight into the factors underpinning both ‘safe’ and ‘risky’ behaviour, the six areas of interest were operationalised as three ‘safer’ behavioural intentions (i. e. handle the motorcycle skilfully, maintain 100% awareness, not ride impaired) and three ‘riskier’ intentions which represented more volitional risk-taking (i. e. bend the road rules, push the limits, perform stunts or ride at extreme speeds). Hierarchical multiple regression analyses were then performed to assess the influence of different psychological and social factors on these intentions. These analyses indicated that a greater proportion of variance could be explained in the case of the riskier riding intentions [R2 ranging from 57% – 66%] than the safer riding intentions [R2 ranging from 22% – 36%]. The TPB construct of perceived behavioural control (PBC) significantly predicted all three ‘safer’ intentions, while attitude was a significant predictor of the three riskier intentions. In terms of the social influences, the TPB construct of subjective norm (which assesses the influence of others considered important) proved a relatively weak predictor of behaviour. However, the measure of specific subjective norm (i. e. the influence of the people that someone rides with) emerged as a significant predictor of three of the six intentions. Over and above this, a propensity for sensation seeking was found to be significant predictor of the three risky intentions. Overall, a similar pattern of results emerged when the self-reported behaviours of the participants were examined. Firstly, while the various psychological and social variables examined in the study significantly predicted all six behaviours, considerably larger amounts of variance were explained for the three volitional risk-taking behaviours, i. e. bend road rules to get through traffic [R2 = . 67], push my limits [R2 = . 59] and perform stunts and/or ride at extreme speeds [R2 = . 69]. Secondly, the results were largely consistent with the tenets of the TPB, with intentions proving a significant predictor of all six behaviours. Thirdly, sensation seeking, along with rider aggression, emerged as a strong predictor of all six behaviours. Indeed, together, these two variables accounted for between 7 – 20% of additional variance in the six behaviours. Not surprisingly, these two variables accounted for relatively large amounts of additional variance in the ride while impaired [R2 ch = . 20] and the perform stunts and/or ride at extreme speeds [R2 ch = . 15] variables. Unfortunately, no significant correlations were found between the various measures of intention and behaviour operationalised in Study 2 and the self-reported crash involvement of the participants. It Psychological and social factors influencing motorcycle rider intentions and behaviour ix is possible that this indicates that the six behaviours of interest, in reality, do not have a close relationship with crash involvement. However, this conclusion does not seem consistent with either the findings of Study 1 or the research evidence reviewed in Chapter 2. More likely, the findings highlight shortcomings in the size of the sample and/or the way that crash involvement was measured in the study. In particular, given that crashes are relatively rare events, crashes were measured over a two year period in order to ensure that (some) participants would have experienced a sufficient number of crashes to facilitate the analyses. However, this raises the possibility of recall problems that may have reduced the accuracy and reliability of the data, while the two year period may have been too long to accurately reflect the current intentions and behaviour of the participants. In contrast, the majority of the intention and behaviour measures were found to be significantly correlated with self-reported traffic offence involvement. In particular, significant associations were found between self-reported traffic offences and the three ‘riskier’ intentions examined in the study (i. e. those relating to more volitional risk-taking, namely, bend the road rules, push my limits and perform stunts and/or ride at extreme speeds). In addition, significant associations were found between traffic offence involvement and five of the six self-reported behaviours examined (the only exception being for awareness errors). These results don’t necessarily confirm the inherent ‘riskiness’ of the behaviours examined, since engaging in an illegal behaviour may not always result in a crash. However, they do provide prima facia evidence supporting the validity of the intention and behaviour measures developed in this study. Strengths and limitations of the research This program of research featured a number of strengths. Firstly, it was firmly grounded in theory; secondly, it utilised both qualitative and quantitative methods to obtain a broad insight into the factors influencing motorcycle rider behaviour; thirdly, the design of the research was informed by input from active motorcyclists; and finally, it adopted a balanced approach to motorcycle safety by examining both safe and risky riding intentions and behaviour. Nonetheless, the program of research also had a number of limitations. Both Studies 1 and 2 consisted of participants primarily recruited from South East Queensland. In addition, the participants were volunteers who were generally older in age. As a result, the samples used in this research may not be representative of Australian motorcyclists in general, but instead reflect a subset of older, primarily recreational, riders. This should be borne in mind when interpreting the results. Furthermore, a number of other potential limitations in the Study 2 questionnaire design emerged during the analysis of the results. These included the way that fatigue was grouped with alcohol and drugs to assess intentions and behaviour relating to riding while impaired and, as noted above, the manner in which crash involvement was measured. Implications of the research At a theoretical level, this program of research has confirmed that the predictive utility of the theory of planned behaviour (TPB) can be substantially improved by the addition of other variables. In particular, this research demonstrated that subjective norm (SN) was a relatively weak predictor of intentions and that the specific subjective norm (SSN) (i.e. assessing the influence of those people that someone rides with) performed relatively better as a measure of social influence. Moreover, both sensation seeking and the propensity to ride aggressively proved significant predictors of all six behaviours examined, over and above the TPB and other social influence variables. The findings relating to sensation seeking are consistent with previous research in the traffic psychology area. x Psychological and social factors influencing motorcycle rider intentions and behaviour. However, the results relating to aggression warrant more attention, since this variable proved a relatively stronger predictor than sensation seeking of the error-based behaviours (i. e. handling errors and awareness errors), the ride while impaired behaviour, and the perform stunts and/or ride at extreme speeds behaviour. This suggests that the propensity to ride aggressively has a broader influence on rider behaviour, which is not limited to the more volitional risk-taking types of behaviours. At a practical level, this program of research has identified a number of ways to enhance current motorcycle safety countermeasures, particularly in the area of rider training and education. Most particularly, it has identified a range of psychological and social influences on rider intentions and behaviour that appear to be beyond the scope of current skills-based approaches to motorcycle training and education. Consequently, further work is required to develop and trial new approaches to rider training and education that more effectively address the attitudinal and motivational influences on riding, both of a personal and social nature. To assist in this process, this research has undertaken the first steps in the development of the Rider Risk Assessment Measure (RRAM). This tool is intended to act as a means of identifying high-risk riders by assessing their intentions and self-reported behaviour (in relation to both ‘safe’ and ‘risky’ riding). While further work is required to refine and validate the RRAM, it represents a tool that can be used in a variety of ways to enhance motorcycle safety countermeasures, including informing the design and content of training programs and evaluating the impact of different  initiatives on rider behaviour. Psychological and social factors influencing motorcycle rider intentions and behaviour xi ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The authors would like to acknowledge the funding support provided by the Australian Government, through the Australian Transport Safety Bureau’s (ATSB) Road Safety Research Grants Programme. The development and conduct of this study has involved the contribution of a large number of people. While it is difficult to acknowledge all the individuals that have contributed, the authors would like to thank: †¢ †¢ Mr John Collis from the ATSB for his ongoing advice and support; those people who assisted us organise the focus groups, from organisations such as Queensland Transport, Motorcycle Riders Association Queensland, Ulysses, and Q-Ride providers; personnel from the Queensland Police Service, particularly the Logan and Brisbane West Districts, who assisted in the distribution of the pilot and main questionnaires at various motorcycle events; The ongoing support for motorcycle research from Morgan and Wacker Pty Ltd; and the assistance of Morgan Wacker Motorcycle Training Centre, particularly Mr Fred Davies, in the finalisation and distribution of the Study 2 questionnaire.   xii Psychological and social factors influencing motorcycle rider intentions and behaviour GLOSSARY OF TERMS AND ACRONYMS ABS ATSB BAC Australian Bureau of Statistics. Australian Transport Safety Bureau [formerly Federal Office of Road Safety (FORS)]. Blood Alcohol Concentration. In Australia, the legal amount of alcohol that may be present in the blood is 0. 05% if the driver or rider is on an unrestricted licence. It is usually measured either by a police breathalyser or a by a blood test (see also Over the limit). A person who identifies with, and belongs to, an organised outlaw motorcycle club. Club members ride motorcycles and often wear jackets with ‘patches’ which identify the club they belong to (Veno, 2002). A motorcycle enthusiast. May or may not belong to a motorcycle club (Krige, 1995a). Centre for Accident Research and Road Safety Queensland. A study design which collects data on the perceptions or behaviours of subjects at one point in time, as opposed to a longitudinal.

The Deaf in Society Essay -- Sociology Hard of Hearing

The Deaf Community Imagine if you could never experience the sound of your favorite song on the radio. Or you could never hear the voice of a family member wishing you happy birthday. Since these situations are typical we may take them for granted. But these every day scenarios will never be part of a deaf person's life. "One out of thousand infants will be born deaf every year," (Deaf Understanding). Most people don't realize the giant impact of the deaf in our society. Deaf persons can be any race, gender and position in society. They can be scientists, doctors, or many other professions. Since the occurrence of deafness is so high in our society we all must learn how to communicate affectivity with the deaf community. There are many approaches a person may take to familiarize themselves with deaf society. Most people that are of hearing belong to one of two following categories. The pathological approach to interact with the deaf is to focus on their disability and try to correct it by using medical approaches. This approach is usually practiced by doctors. Many disagree with the pathological approach because they would rather be categorized by the senses they were given and not the senses they lack. Sometimes individuals view deaf people as being abnormal and must be "fixed." The truth is since the deaf can't hear they learn how to use there other senses in ways the hearing can't imagine. The second view is the cultural approach when interacting with deaf society. This point of view classifies the deaf as a group of individuals that share a common language. "In fact, American sign language is the third most used language in the United States," (Sign Genius). Another way the cultural view classifi... ...uage which is sign language. Sign languages are visual languages that are living languages and therefore changing. Each country has their own unique sign language that the deaf community uses. Also, many famous individuals in sports and culture have been deaf. Since the occurrence of deafness is so high in our society we all must learn how to communicate affectivity with the deaf community. Bibliography http://www.deafunderstanding.com/facts.html http://www.signgenius.com/info-sign-lanuage-05.shtml http://www.deaf.net/interesting.htm http://www.nad.org http://www.signmedia.com/info/adc.htm

Chipotle Market Essay

Chipotle was established in 1993 with the idea to demonstrate that fast food does not have to come with the typical â€Å"fast-food† experience. Chipotle’s niche market prefers high quality ingredients that’s healthy, tastes good, and uses classic cooking methods with unique interior design. Chipotle has changed the fast food market and uses the short and sweet mission statement to â€Å"forever provide food with integrity†. The company’s vision statement is â€Å"to change the way people think about and eat fast food† and its mission statement is to provide â€Å"Food with Integrity† (Chipotle, 2014). The vision statement has been successful in driving to its front door where it’s not unusual to see a line leading to the assembly kitchen within an hour of closing. The mission statement is short but the company constantly works to ensure the quality of the food is consistent and fresh and stocks from reliable vendors. The strate gy Chipotle uses in its vision and mission statement is to ensure they are intertwined. Chipotle exemplifies Michael E. Porter’s proposal that managers can make the organization more profitable and less vulnerable by using a differentiation strategy. Chipotle seeks to distinguish it’s food from all others in the industry. It uses the local grown and sustainable products differentiation and its ability to produce food that a good price and produces in high volume that allows the company to make a handsome profit. Even while new fast casual companies such as Noodles and company have come along, no national chains have come close to creating a threat in the type of food that Chipotle makes. One competitive advantage the company has is that the food it serves caters to health consciousness in consumers. This compliance to the healthy food trend comes from shifted consumer sentiment away from food that facilitates obesity. Another competitive advantage is that Chipotle sits somewhere between fast food and casual dining. This is referred to in the article as fast casual dining. Chipotle offers the quality of food that many full-service restaurants serve and pair it with the speed and convenience of fast food. Chipotle prides itself in doing a few things really well. Chipotle only uses ingredients sourced from local suppliers. It is the only national restaurant that has a significant commitment to using local produce on a large scale. All of Chipotle’s ingredients come from within a 350 mile radius of the restaurant where it will be served. This local food supply provides a competitive advantage in the freshness and reliability of the  ingredients it uses. Chipotle also works with local farmers to ensure they use sustainable operations. This sustainable operation in turn allows Chipotle to gain efficiency and ultimately better prices. Chipotle’s marketing strategy focuses on a narrow market segment through use of a differentiation strategy. This focused differentiation strategy’s uses the company’s commitment to providing organic ingredients raised with respect for the animals, the environment and the farmers. This resonates to a large segment of the population who want to deal with companies that stress sustainability. This ultimately contributes to exceptional taste, wholesome nutrition and great value. In order for Chipotle to implement the strategy, consistent relationships with local suppliers is paramount. The assumption is that the less distance the food has to travel, the better. This is a benefit to all involved. The company benefits with being known by the market it serves as serving the local community. The suppliers benefit in that it can deal with a reliable and consistent partner for supplying the food. The local community benefits by improved economy and decent paying jobs. The importance that Chipotle strategy has in industry is that it is a great example of Daft’s organizational goals that states â€Å"The best strategies come from systematic analysis of organizational strengths and weaknesses†¦.† Chipotle does not have a desire to please all customers with every taste. While the average price of a Chipotle burrito is about $7, this is a similar price point as most food places, the company has a relatively narrow customer base of those who want fast casual Mexican food. This focus allows the company to reduce the ingredients and inventory needed. This allows the company to spend more time creating relationships with local supplies to ensure the freshness and integrity of the ingredients. Another thing Managers can learn from the Chipotle model is that of Overall Performance. This is that the performance is expressed in terms of net income, earnings per share, and return on investment. Chipotle’s stock price has increased 600% in the past five years. So while increasing the number of stores in the system, the company has also increased the sales per each store while also improving net income. This in turn follows in the  equation for earnings per share. References Daft, R. (2013). Organization theory & design (11th ed.). Mason, OH: South-Western, Cengage Learning. Article Link: https://docs.google.com/document/d/1pfdTX89Abt8on2NowLB-KY2wSgcxCgDKvaPAsa56dwI/preview?markAsViewed=false

Analysis of Bullet in the Brain

The short story â€Å"Bullet in the Brain† is written by Tobias Wolff. The story takes place in a bank, where we meet the main character Anders. We see the incident from an omniscient narrator’s point of view. The short story is told in chronological order with flashback.We meet Anders in the beginning of the text as a rude and sarcastic man, who has the need to be sarcastic towards a strange woman. When Anders gets shot in the head, the first thing the narrator tells the reader is the things, which did not pass before his eyes.What we hear about here is things he has experienced in his adult life. The narrator returns to Anders real thoughts, and takes the reader back in time to his childhood. In the last part we once again return to the present moment. Anders critiques the bank robbers, as he would criticize one of the books.For example you can tell he is criticizing them, when he says: â€Å"(†¦) Great script, eh? The stern, brass-knuckled poetry of the dangero us classes† He finds these bank robbers to be predictable in their actions, and he cannot take them seriously.â€Å"Did you hear that? † Anders said. â€Å"Bright boy† Right out of â€Å"The Killers†. Tobias Wolff introduces flashbacks, when Anders gets shot in the head, to show the reader his highlights in his, now ending, life.Wolff accentuate the fact that, what Anders did not remember, is just as important and telling about his personality, as what he did remember. The narrator is introducing Anders’ flashbacks by list, what the reader would assume.