Let There Be Light

Electric Compass' were used 3. At is a good conductor of electricity electron 4. Not until after Mechanics 5. Magnetic compass 6. (Tape notes in notebook) Some things attract, others repel. All objects fall and move with respect to gravity. 7. Benjamin Franklin 8. A fundamental element Of mass 9. Like repel, different attract 10. Far apart- hard to tell they are attracting, close together-easy to notice. 11. They both have like currents and likes repel, opposites attract but magnets eave poles not charges.They are still positive and negative. 12. In one direction there I am electric field and in another magnetic, they work together 13. Friction at a distance 14. Attraction would change instantaneously Nothing can travel faster than light 15. 16. The field of force 17. It is the field that tells two objects how to interact 18. The earth's mass is so big that it barely moves 19. Action at a distance is every part of the earth pulling at an object. Whereas a field of force is better bec ause it creates a field for a disturbance to travel wrought. 0. They are centered around something and the farther away from it the weaker the field. 21 . Everything is pulled to the center. The farther from the center the weaker the force. 22. Electric charges in the center 23. In my notebook 24. Because this is our earth, it surrounds us completely 25. Electric generator, electromagnet, electric motor 26. A generator uses motion to make electricity. A motor uses electricity to make motion. 27. Moving it, moving a coil, turning an electromagnet on and off 28. Energy, mass, weather, volts, compounds 9.Credit card, electricity 30. He thought that it was this way and used common sense to then propose this idea. 31 . Electricity make magnetism and magnetism makes electricity 32. The second synthesis is putting magnetism and electricity together as described in Maxwell equations. 33. Because electromagnetism is one of them 34. 35. We are causing a disturbance in the air; predicted waves , speed of waves 36. Because visible light is a form of electromagnetic radiation that travels through a field. Light travels in fields.

The Sea Raiders Essays

The Sea Raiders Essays The Sea Raiders Paper The Sea Raiders Paper Essay Topic: Ray Bradbury Short Stories The sentence structure varies in the two different narratives. The author of The Sea Raiders, H. G. Wells, uses longer sentences overall than the author of The Fog Horn (Ray Bradbury). This is because The Sea Raiders was written in the Victorian era, unlike The Fog Horn, which is more modern from the nineteen seventies. Therefore H. G. Wells uses a lot of archaic language throughout the story, and this alters the sentence length. In The Fog Horn, Ray Bradbury uses short sentences in order to build up and keep suspense throughout a section of the story on page 91 when the writer is building up to the destruction of the tower, The tower shook. The fog horn cried; the monster cried, The fog horn and the monster roared, Quick). This syntax helps to create tension and to keep the readers attention throughout, with sentences such as McDunn seized my arm, and the tower fell. The writer of The Sea Raiders however, builds up to the pinnacle of the story (on page 425 when Hill is attacked by the monsters) with continued use of long and intricate sentences, and also with complex vocabulary, which slowly builds up and keeps tension and suspense throughout the passage. Various language devices are also used. In The Fog Horn, use of direct speech is frequent, and used mainly to answer questions asked by Johnny, and also any that the reader may ask. This is very effective because direct speech is intended to be spoken rather than narrated, and so it makes more of an impact when read out than if it were simply reported. Direct speech is also used in The Sea Raiders, for example on page 424 when the boatman shouts, help here! Alliteration of the h sound is another device which draws attention to this speech because it is so hard-hitting. In my opinion The Fog Horn includes three main characters The monster, Johnny, and McDunn. Johnny is the narrator: he explains the scenes in the story to the reader, and he also describes all that can be seen in each of these scenes. McDunn voices some of the direct speech in this narrative, but we do not always see what he is thinking in great detail. Johnny does not go into detail about how he feels at any point in the story, and I feel that this is done deliberately by the author to draw attention away from these two characters and onto their surroundings, and also onto the monster and its emergence. In my opinion McDunn is almost like a father figure in this passage taking Johnny under his wing and looking after him as his apprentice; teaching him about the lighthouse as a father might teach his son. He also tells Johnny all he knows about the monster, in order to prepare him for the moment when it appears. Carrying through the biblical theme that has been set in this passage with the use of capital letters (Voice) and other devices, McDunn comes across as almost god-like. He is seemingly omniscient, and appears to know everything that is going on. He also knows everything about the monster. McDunn understands the monsters emotions because he empathises with it, as he remains out at sea in his lighthouse, totally isolated and alone just like the monster. We know that McDunn is often cut off from humanity because he becomes so lonely that he even fabricates stories to pass the time, for instance his story on page 87 (I made up that story). As McDunn does not freely express his feelings and opinions frequently in the narrative, the only way that we can understand what he feels and thinks is through Johnnys character, and we get an insight into the philosophical nature of McDunn. As the story progresses we start to become somewhat closely associated with Johnny, as we relate to him because the lighthouse, the monster and McDunn are all connected and are all seemingly together as one in the story. Johnny is the outsider to the situation, and can be likened to the reader whilst they read the passage. The story is written in the first person narrative, and we figuratively become Johnny throughout the story because we are an outsider to all that is happening. This makes the story more personal because we can relate Johnnys point of view. In The Sea Raiders, we have a birds eye view of the story, and are not as involved, as H. G. Wells has written the narrative in the first person. The Sea Raiders was written in the Victorian era, and at this time many things were unknown to science a common preoccupation of the Victorians was discovery, and it was a time of great exploration. The society and history in which the story was written is reflected in the narrative Mr Fison and the other men went out into the sea in their boat to try and discover more about the monsters, just as many Victorians were travelling the world to discover new things at the time that this story was written. Mr Fison and his team are keen to find out more about these monsters because they are unknown to science and society. In this way the men in the story are symbolic of the male status in society at the time that H. G. Wells wrote The Sea-Raiders.

History of the First Credit Card

History of the First Credit Card Charging for products and services has become a way of life. No longer do people bring cash when they buy a sweater or a large appliance, they charge it. Some people do it for the convenience of not carrying cash; others put it on plastic so they can purchase an item they can not yet afford. The credit card that allows them to do this is a twentieth-century invention. At the beginning of the twentieth century, people had to pay cash for almost all products and services. Although the early part of the century saw an increase in individual store credit accounts, a credit card that could be used at more than one merchant was not invented until 1950. It all started when Frank X. McNamara and two of his friends went out to supper. The Famous Supper In 1949, Frank X McNamara, head of the Hamilton Credit Corporation, went out to eat with Alfred Bloomingdale, McNamaras long-time friend and grandson of the founder of the Bloomingdales store, and Ralph Sneider, McNamaras attorney. The three men were eating at Majors Cabin Grill, a famous New York restaurant located next to the Empire State Building, to discuss a problem customer of the Hamilton Credit Corporation. The problem was that one of McNamaras customers had borrowed some money but was unable to pay it back. This particular customer had gotten into trouble  when he had lent a number of his charge cards (available from individual department stores and gas stations) to his poor neighbors who needed items in an emergency. For this service, the man required his neighbors to pay him back the cost of the original purchase plus some extra money. Unfortunately for the man, many of his neighbors were unable to pay him back within a short period of time, and he was then forced to borrow money from the Hamilton Credit Corporation. At the end of the meal with his two friends, McNamara reached into his pocket for his wallet so that he could pay for the meal (in cash). He was shocked to discover that he had forgotten his wallet. To his embarrassment, he then had to call his wife and have her bring him some money. McNamara vowed never to let this happen again. Merging the two concepts from that dinner, the lending of credit cards and not having cash on hand to pay for the meal, McNamara came up with a new idea - a credit card that could be used at multiple locations. What was particularly novel about this concept was that there would be a middleman between companies and their customers. The Middleman Though the concept of credit has existed longer even than money, charge accounts became popular in the early twentieth century. With the invention and growing popularity of automobiles and airplanes, people now had the option to travel to a variety of stores for their shopping needs. In an effort to capture customer loyalty, various department stores and gas stations began to offer charge accounts for their customers which could be accessed by a card. Unfortunately, people needed to bring dozens of these cards with them if they were to do a day of shopping. McNamara had the idea of needing only one credit card. McNamara discussed the idea with Bloomingdale and Sneider, and the three pooled some money and started a new company in 1950 which they called the Diners Club. The Diners Club was going to be a middleman. Instead of individual companies offering credit to their customers (whom they would bill later), the Diners Club was going to offer credit to individuals for many companies (then bill the customers and pay the companies). Previously, stores would make money with their credit cards by keeping customers loyal to their particular store, thus maintaining a high level of sales. However, the Diners Club needed a different way to make money since they werent selling anything. To make a profit without charging interest (interest-bearing credit cards came much later), the companies who accepted the Diners Club credit card were charged 7 percent for each transaction while the subscribers to the credit card were charged a $3 annual fee (begun in 1951). McNamaras new credit company focused on salesmen. Since salesmen often need to dine (hence the new companys name) at multiple restaurants to entertain their clients, the Diners Club needed both to convince a large number of restaurants to accept the new card and to get salesmen to subscribe. The first Diners Club credit cards were given out in 1950 to 200 people (most were friends and acquaintances of McNamara) and accepted by 14 restaurants in New York. The cards were not made of plastic; instead, the first Diners Club credit cards were made of paper stock with the accepting locations printed on the back. In the beginning, progress was difficult. Merchants didnt want to pay the Diners Clubs fee and didnt want competition for their store cards; while customers didnt want to sign up unless there were a large number of merchants that accepted the card. However, the concept of the card grew, and by the end of 1950, 20,000 people were using the Diners Club credit card. The Future Though the Diners Club continued to grow and by the second year was making a profit ($60,000), McNamara thought the concept was just a fad. In 1952, he sold his shares in the company for more than $200,000 to his two partners. The Diners Club credit card continued to grow more popular and didnt receive competition until 1958. In that year, both American Express and the Bank Americard (later called VISA) arrived. The concept of a universal credit card had taken root and quickly spread across the world.

External Recruiting Article Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words

External Recruiting - Article Example The ideal UPS of these people is that they must love talking and must be good talkers whether in one-on-one situation or giving a public talk. It is the recruiter who provides first impression of the firm to potential employees and therefore, he should be able to communicate the job in a desirable manner. He should be seen as someone who is not exaggerating and is telling the features of the job based on his experiences in the situation. Therefore, firms should guide their recruiters through in-house training regiment where they should acquaint their recruiters with the firm's goals, core values and recruiting strategies. Recruiters should also be taught follow-up skills which will be helpful in answering the questions asked by prospective employees. Once all of this is done, recruiters should be confident enough to increase the quantity of quality people in the firm. In the end, the author says that it is imperative that recruiters should go through these processes to meet the organ ization's future staffing needs. This article gives us insight on how the modern firms look at the process of recruiting and the selecting the right recruiter. A recruiter is not someone who has to just fill forms and interview possible candidates.

Doubt Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 250 words

Doubt - Essay Example In USA, there are lots of untold stories revolving around intelligence, security and the government. Ordinary Americans do not understand the operatives of the Federal Bureau of Investigations and National Intelligence Agency (NIA). They do not let people know the exact reasons behind their activities such as domestic and international surveillance on individuals’ secret communications. In order to make this play more appealing, Shanley had to incorporate the use of antithesis, motif, metaphor, symbols, themes, and analogy. These are very important devices which enabled him to deliver his message to the intended audience. The element of antithesis is evidenced when he juxtaposes two opposing ideas. For instance, it is successfully used by comparing and contrasting the young liberal and friendly Father Flynn and the conservative Sister Aloysius; Irish students and black students; and the guilty and innocent Father Flynn. These are instances which are very important in the play because they help in promoting the development of the plot and thematic concerns. For instance, by comparing the guilt and innocence of the priest, the play brings out Sister Aloysius as a very suspecting and doubtful character that can not actually make a concrete decision based on the ‘allegations labeled against the priest’ (Brantley). Just like her, the audience is left wonder ing about the actual truth about this matter. In my own imagination, I think the best word to use to describe Father Flynn is shrewd. Although Sister Aloysius accuses him of molesting the young Donald, the actual truth about his innocence or guilt is not known. However, I would like to suggest that he is innocent of all the accusations. After failing to prove them, Sister Aloysius tries to screw him by allegedly learning of his misconduct in his previous mission through a phone call. With all the unresolved mysteries surrounding this matter, I would like to

Sensationalism Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2000 words

Sensationalism - Essay Example Sensationalism in its practice is not a new concept as such. The practice has been around going back to early humans. The act of storytelling and narrations were often related and focused on sex and conflict. According to Gaudreault et al. (2012) sensationalism per se is not a new phenomenon but has been there for long only that the term is new. Denotation and connotation are terms that are used to convey and also differentiate between two separate kinds of meanings of a particular word. In media reporting, denotation is regarded as first level of analysis; this is primarily what the target audience can visually view on the page. Often, it refers to literal meaning, and avoids any elements of metaphor. Denotations are occasionally coupled with connotation, which forms part of the second level of analysis. Connotation is symbolic nature of a word, things or attributes that are triggered by a word, ideas and notions suggested or even associated a particular word. Connotations are associated with emotions and feelings. According to Durham & Kellner (2005), connotations vary depending on the context and the individual understanding of the word. A single word can bring different emotions, ideas and feelings to different people depending on their personal experiences. Sensationalism in itself is largely controlled by denotations and connotations but often in the wrong way. The application of connotations particularly is largely depended on the context and the target audience. If one decides to intentionally ignore this consideration, then they are likely to send out the wrong information. While sensationalism is not completely a negative tool to be used in the media and journalism, it matters when it is applied in crucial situations. In an online article on The New York Post by Fears (2014) the writer gives a headline concerning construction of a "mosque† at the centre of the ground zero. In real sense,

Motor Cyclists Essay Example for Free

Motor Cyclists Essay Psychological and social factors influencing motorcycle rider intentions and behaviour Barry Watson Deborah Tunnicliff Katy White Cynthia Schonfeld Darren Wishart Centre for Accident Research and Road Safety (CARRS-Q) Queensland University of Technology August 2007 Psychological and social factors influencing motorcycle rider intentions and behaviour i Published by: Postal address: Office location: Telephone: Facsimile: E-mail: Internet: Australian Transport Safety Bureau PO Box 967, Civic Square ACT 2608 15 Mort Street, Canberra City, Australian Capital Territory 1800 621 372; from overseas + 61 2 6274 6440 02 6274 3117; from overseas + 61 2 6274 3117 [emailprotected] gov. au www. atsb. gov. au  © CARRS-Q, Queensland University of Technology 2006 To encourage the dissemination of this publication, it may be copied, downloaded, displayed, printed, reproduced, and distributed in unaltered form (retaining this notice). Subject to the provisions of the Copyright Act 1968, no other use of the material in this publication may be made without the authorisation of the Queensland University of Technology. ii Psychological and social factors influencing motorcycle rider intentions and behaviour DOCUMENT RETRIEVAL INFORMATION Report No. RSRG 2007-04 Publication date August 2007 No. of pages 152 ISBN 978 0 642 25564 8 ISSN Publication title Psychological and social factors influencing motorcycle rider intentions and behaviour Author(s) Barry Watson, Deborah Tunnicliff, Katy White, Cynthia Schonfeld, Darren Wishart. Organisation that prepared this document Centre for Accident Research and Road Safety Queensland University of Technology GPO Box 2434 Brisbane QLD 4001. Sponsor [Available from] Australian Transport Safety Bureau PO Box 967, Civic Square ACT 2608 Australia www. atsb. gov. au Project Officer John Collis Reference No. Aug2007/DOTARS 50323. Abstract This report documents two studies undertaken to identify and assess the psychological and social factors influencing motorcycle rider behaviour. The primary aim of the research was to develop a Rider Risk Assessment Measure (RRAM), which would act as a tool for identifying high-risk riders by assessing rider intentions and self-reported behaviour. The first study (n = 47) involved a qualitative exploration of rider perceptions utilising a focus-group methodology. This study identified six key aspects of rider behaviour considered to influence safety: motorcycle handling skills; rider awareness; riding while impaired or not; and the tendency to bend road rules, push limits, and ride at extreme speeds or perform stunts. Study two (n = 229) was survey-based and examined the psychological and social factors influencing these behaviours, utilising the theory of planned behaviour (TPB) and other relevant psychological constructs, such as sensation seeking and aggression. This study indicated that risky rider intentions were primarily influenced by attitudes and sensation seeking, while safer intentions were influenced by perceived behavioural control. While intentions significantly predicted all six types of behaviour, sensation seeking and a propensity for aggression emerged as significant predictors, particularly for the volitional risk-taking behaviours. The measures of intention and behaviour comprising the RRAM were not found to be significantly correlated with self-reported crash involvement, possibly indicating shortcomings in the measurement of crashes. However, significant correlations were found between the components of the RRAM and self-reported traffic offence involvement. While further work is required to refine and validate the RRAM, it represents a potential tool for informing and evaluating motorcycle rider safety countermeasures. Keywords Motorcycle safety, theory of planned behaviour, sensation seeking, aggression Notes (1) (2) ATSB reports are disseminated in the interest of information exchange. The views expressed are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily represent those of the Australian Government or the ATSB. Psychological and social factors influencing motorcycle rider intentions and behaviour iii CONTENTS Executive summary EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Background Motorcycle riding is rapidly increasing in popularity in Australia, attracting a much wider demographic of people than in decades past. Unfortunately, whilst the overall number of road deaths in Australia has generally been reducing, the proportion of motorcycle-related fatalities has been rising in recent years. Further, the proportion of motorcycle-related fatalities in Australia is unacceptably high compared with other OECD countries. To reduce motorcycle-related fatalities on Australian roads, there is an urgent need to consider motorcyclists as distinct from other road users. This program of research facilitates the understanding of safety issues from a motorcyclist perspective and provides important information on factors influencing safe and unsafe rider intentions and behaviour. The aims of this program of research were to: †¢ develop a better understanding of the psychological and social influences on rider behaviour in an Australian context; †¢ guide the development of future motorcycle safety countermeasures; and †¢ develop a tool (the Rider Risk Assessment Measure – RRAM) to inform the evaluation of motorcycle safety countermeasures, particularly in the area of training and education. To achieve these aims, two particular studies were undertaken: a qualitative study of motorcycle rider perceptions utilising a focus-group methodology and a survey-based quantitative study of selfreported rider intentions and behaviour. Both studies were underpinned by a theoretical framework drawing on the theory of planned behaviour (TPB), identity theory, social identity theory, and other relevant psychological concepts such as sensation seeking and aggression. Key findings Study 1 explored motorcyclists’ perceptions relating to ‘safe’ and ‘risky’ riding and the different personal and social factors that influenced their behaviour. A total of 43 people participated in this study, either as part of a focus group or as an interviewee. This exploratory process revealed six types of behaviours which were commonly believed to influence the safety (or riskiness) of motorcycle riding. These six behaviours are discussed below. Two behaviours were identified as being particularly essential to rider safety. The first was the necessity of being able to handle the motorcycle proficiently and skilfully. The second related to the need for riders to maintain a high level of concentration whilst riding and to stay aware of the changing road environment. In contrast, there was some debate about the inherent safety or riskiness of the two next behaviours commonly identified. Firstly, some riders believed that obeying the road rules was essential to their safety, whilst others reported that it was often necessary to break the road rules in order to stay safe. Secondly, the definition of what constituted ‘riding whilst impaired’ differed amongst riders. Most riders agreed that ‘drinking and riding’ was dangerous. However, for some, even one alcoholic drink before riding was considered dangerous, whilst others would ride after drinking provided they did not consider themselves to be over the legal BAC limit. Some riders stated that riding when viii Psychological and social factors influencing motorcycle rider intentions and behaviour they were tired was dangerous; however, fatigue was not considered a serious safety issue for many participants. Two further behaviours identified by participants were often associated with their accounts of crash involvement, yet not seen as intrinsically ‘unsafe’ by most riders. The first of these was the concept of ‘pushing your limits’. Most riders interviewed appeared to enjoy pushing the limits of their ability on a motorcycle. Whilst agreeing that pushing the limits too far was dangerous, pushing them to a point that tested a rider’s abilities was often reported to facilitate safety as this process developed a rider’s skill. The second behaviour that was often mentioned in connection with crashes was extreme riding (e. g. , performing stunts and riding at extreme speeds). The act of perfecting a stunt was often reported to result in the crashing of the motorcycle, although these crashes were usually accepted as a normal part of the learning process. Once perfected, performing stunts did not appear to be considered an intrinsically unsafe behaviour, unless performed in traffic or other unpredictable situations. A sizable minority of both male and female participants reported riding at extreme speeds. These riders often argued that they could ride extremely fast, safely, on public roads provided certain conditions were met (e. g. good visibility, minimal traffic, weather, road, and motorcycle maintenance). Study 2 involved 229 active motorcyclists who completed a questionnaire assessing: their riding intentions and self-reported behaviour; the psychological and social factors influencing these intentions and behaviour; and their self-reported involvement in road crashes and traffic offences over the last two years. The questionnaire was structured around the six types of rider behaviour identified as important in Study 1. Key results of this study are discussed below. In order to obtain an insight into the factors underpinning both ‘safe’ and ‘risky’ behaviour, the six areas of interest were operationalised as three ‘safer’ behavioural intentions (i. e. handle the motorcycle skilfully, maintain 100% awareness, not ride impaired) and three ‘riskier’ intentions which represented more volitional risk-taking (i. e. bend the road rules, push the limits, perform stunts or ride at extreme speeds). Hierarchical multiple regression analyses were then performed to assess the influence of different psychological and social factors on these intentions. These analyses indicated that a greater proportion of variance could be explained in the case of the riskier riding intentions [R2 ranging from 57% – 66%] than the safer riding intentions [R2 ranging from 22% – 36%]. The TPB construct of perceived behavioural control (PBC) significantly predicted all three ‘safer’ intentions, while attitude was a significant predictor of the three riskier intentions. In terms of the social influences, the TPB construct of subjective norm (which assesses the influence of others considered important) proved a relatively weak predictor of behaviour. However, the measure of specific subjective norm (i. e. the influence of the people that someone rides with) emerged as a significant predictor of three of the six intentions. Over and above this, a propensity for sensation seeking was found to be significant predictor of the three risky intentions. Overall, a similar pattern of results emerged when the self-reported behaviours of the participants were examined. Firstly, while the various psychological and social variables examined in the study significantly predicted all six behaviours, considerably larger amounts of variance were explained for the three volitional risk-taking behaviours, i. e. bend road rules to get through traffic [R2 = . 67], push my limits [R2 = . 59] and perform stunts and/or ride at extreme speeds [R2 = . 69]. Secondly, the results were largely consistent with the tenets of the TPB, with intentions proving a significant predictor of all six behaviours. Thirdly, sensation seeking, along with rider aggression, emerged as a strong predictor of all six behaviours. Indeed, together, these two variables accounted for between 7 – 20% of additional variance in the six behaviours. Not surprisingly, these two variables accounted for relatively large amounts of additional variance in the ride while impaired [R2 ch = . 20] and the perform stunts and/or ride at extreme speeds [R2 ch = . 15] variables. Unfortunately, no significant correlations were found between the various measures of intention and behaviour operationalised in Study 2 and the self-reported crash involvement of the participants. It Psychological and social factors influencing motorcycle rider intentions and behaviour ix is possible that this indicates that the six behaviours of interest, in reality, do not have a close relationship with crash involvement. However, this conclusion does not seem consistent with either the findings of Study 1 or the research evidence reviewed in Chapter 2. More likely, the findings highlight shortcomings in the size of the sample and/or the way that crash involvement was measured in the study. In particular, given that crashes are relatively rare events, crashes were measured over a two year period in order to ensure that (some) participants would have experienced a sufficient number of crashes to facilitate the analyses. However, this raises the possibility of recall problems that may have reduced the accuracy and reliability of the data, while the two year period may have been too long to accurately reflect the current intentions and behaviour of the participants. In contrast, the majority of the intention and behaviour measures were found to be significantly correlated with self-reported traffic offence involvement. In particular, significant associations were found between self-reported traffic offences and the three ‘riskier’ intentions examined in the study (i. e. those relating to more volitional risk-taking, namely, bend the road rules, push my limits and perform stunts and/or ride at extreme speeds). In addition, significant associations were found between traffic offence involvement and five of the six self-reported behaviours examined (the only exception being for awareness errors). These results don’t necessarily confirm the inherent ‘riskiness’ of the behaviours examined, since engaging in an illegal behaviour may not always result in a crash. However, they do provide prima facia evidence supporting the validity of the intention and behaviour measures developed in this study. Strengths and limitations of the research This program of research featured a number of strengths. Firstly, it was firmly grounded in theory; secondly, it utilised both qualitative and quantitative methods to obtain a broad insight into the factors influencing motorcycle rider behaviour; thirdly, the design of the research was informed by input from active motorcyclists; and finally, it adopted a balanced approach to motorcycle safety by examining both safe and risky riding intentions and behaviour. Nonetheless, the program of research also had a number of limitations. Both Studies 1 and 2 consisted of participants primarily recruited from South East Queensland. In addition, the participants were volunteers who were generally older in age. As a result, the samples used in this research may not be representative of Australian motorcyclists in general, but instead reflect a subset of older, primarily recreational, riders. This should be borne in mind when interpreting the results. Furthermore, a number of other potential limitations in the Study 2 questionnaire design emerged during the analysis of the results. These included the way that fatigue was grouped with alcohol and drugs to assess intentions and behaviour relating to riding while impaired and, as noted above, the manner in which crash involvement was measured. Implications of the research At a theoretical level, this program of research has confirmed that the predictive utility of the theory of planned behaviour (TPB) can be substantially improved by the addition of other variables. In particular, this research demonstrated that subjective norm (SN) was a relatively weak predictor of intentions and that the specific subjective norm (SSN) (i.e. assessing the influence of those people that someone rides with) performed relatively better as a measure of social influence. Moreover, both sensation seeking and the propensity to ride aggressively proved significant predictors of all six behaviours examined, over and above the TPB and other social influence variables. The findings relating to sensation seeking are consistent with previous research in the traffic psychology area. x Psychological and social factors influencing motorcycle rider intentions and behaviour. However, the results relating to aggression warrant more attention, since this variable proved a relatively stronger predictor than sensation seeking of the error-based behaviours (i. e. handling errors and awareness errors), the ride while impaired behaviour, and the perform stunts and/or ride at extreme speeds behaviour. This suggests that the propensity to ride aggressively has a broader influence on rider behaviour, which is not limited to the more volitional risk-taking types of behaviours. At a practical level, this program of research has identified a number of ways to enhance current motorcycle safety countermeasures, particularly in the area of rider training and education. Most particularly, it has identified a range of psychological and social influences on rider intentions and behaviour that appear to be beyond the scope of current skills-based approaches to motorcycle training and education. Consequently, further work is required to develop and trial new approaches to rider training and education that more effectively address the attitudinal and motivational influences on riding, both of a personal and social nature. To assist in this process, this research has undertaken the first steps in the development of the Rider Risk Assessment Measure (RRAM). This tool is intended to act as a means of identifying high-risk riders by assessing their intentions and self-reported behaviour (in relation to both ‘safe’ and ‘risky’ riding). While further work is required to refine and validate the RRAM, it represents a tool that can be used in a variety of ways to enhance motorcycle safety countermeasures, including informing the design and content of training programs and evaluating the impact of different  initiatives on rider behaviour. Psychological and social factors influencing motorcycle rider intentions and behaviour xi ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The authors would like to acknowledge the funding support provided by the Australian Government, through the Australian Transport Safety Bureau’s (ATSB) Road Safety Research Grants Programme. The development and conduct of this study has involved the contribution of a large number of people. While it is difficult to acknowledge all the individuals that have contributed, the authors would like to thank: †¢ †¢ Mr John Collis from the ATSB for his ongoing advice and support; those people who assisted us organise the focus groups, from organisations such as Queensland Transport, Motorcycle Riders Association Queensland, Ulysses, and Q-Ride providers; personnel from the Queensland Police Service, particularly the Logan and Brisbane West Districts, who assisted in the distribution of the pilot and main questionnaires at various motorcycle events; The ongoing support for motorcycle research from Morgan and Wacker Pty Ltd; and the assistance of Morgan Wacker Motorcycle Training Centre, particularly Mr Fred Davies, in the finalisation and distribution of the Study 2 questionnaire.   xii Psychological and social factors influencing motorcycle rider intentions and behaviour GLOSSARY OF TERMS AND ACRONYMS ABS ATSB BAC Australian Bureau of Statistics. Australian Transport Safety Bureau [formerly Federal Office of Road Safety (FORS)]. Blood Alcohol Concentration. In Australia, the legal amount of alcohol that may be present in the blood is 0. 05% if the driver or rider is on an unrestricted licence. It is usually measured either by a police breathalyser or a by a blood test (see also Over the limit). A person who identifies with, and belongs to, an organised outlaw motorcycle club. Club members ride motorcycles and often wear jackets with ‘patches’ which identify the club they belong to (Veno, 2002). A motorcycle enthusiast. May or may not belong to a motorcycle club (Krige, 1995a). Centre for Accident Research and Road Safety Queensland. A study design which collects data on the perceptions or behaviours of subjects at one point in time, as opposed to a longitudinal.